How do we explain the surprising trajectory of the Chinese Communist revolution? Why has it taken such a different route from its Russian prototype? An answer, Elizabeth Perry suggests, lies in the Chinese Communists' creative development and deployment of cultural resources - during their revolutionary rise to power and afterwards. Skillful "cultural positioning" and "cultural patronage," on the part of Mao Zedong, his comrades and successors, helped to construct a polity in which a once alien Communist system came to be accepted as familiarly "Chinese." Perry traces this process through a case study of the Anyuan coal mine, a place where Mao and other early leaders of the Chinese Communist Party mobilized an influential labor movement at the beginning of their revolution, and whose history later became a touchstone of "political correctness" in the People's Republic of China. Once known as "China's Little Moscow," Anyuan came over time to symbolize a distinctively Chinese revolutionary tradition. Yet the meanings of that tradition remain highly contested, as contemporary Chinese debate their revolutionary past in search of a new political future.

本书论述了个人主义与人格、法与礼、学与社、乡约、中国的宪政主义与公民社会、女性教育与女权、中国共产主义与儒家社群主义等。论述了儒家社群主义思想，以“社学”和“乡约”这种社群组织为例，说明儒家在加强社群生活、建设齐心协力的信约制度方面，做出的各种努力。 狄百瑞着重论述了儒学的哲学发展，以及中国在社群组织、宪政、教育和女权等方面的历史经验，他认为尽管儒家对价值的理解在某些方面不同于西方自由至上的个人概念，但儒学与人权并非水火不容，反而能促进人权。亚洲价值的拥护者关注在个人权利与社会的正当需求、正当要求之间实现恰当的平衡，认为儒家的经验对于保持这种平衡确实非常重要，而中国人在这些方面留下的历史记录值得大家往此方向去思考。 1990年代，部分学者提出“亚洲价值”的概念，试图将20世纪日本和东亚四小龙的迅速崛起归因于亚洲传统的独特魅力，不可避免的引发了围绕普世价值与地方传统的论争，在这一论争中，狄百瑞完成了本书。相当集中地反映了他作为具有保守主义倾向的自由主义学者在儒学传统与现代化之间的关系，中国现代化的目标和路径方面的立场与观点。狄百瑞的研究，对深陷“哈耶克困境”而难以自拔的当下中国自由主义者是一个不小的福音。

中国政治改革面对着怎样的困境和挑战？全球化背景下的中国法治建设取得了哪些进展？村民选举和社区建设对中国基层治理改革的意义何在？私营企业主的政治参与对中国共产党是挑战还是机会？中国妇女为谁而选举？……本书收录世界知名学者对中国政治发展的思考和发现，分别从政治发展与前景、人民代表大会制度与法治建设、农村与城市基层民主、公民社会与政治参与四个方面加以阐释。所选文章均为外籍学者对中国政治发展问题进行学术探讨的第一手资料，集中对这些成果进行归纳和呈现，使国内了解海外学界对于“中国政治发展”的研究细节。

This pioneering study explores the role of working-class militias as vanguard and guardian of the Chinese revolution. The book begins with the origins of urban militias in the late nineteenth century and follows their development down to the present day. Elizabeth Perry focuses on the institution of worker militias as a vehicle for analyzing the changing (yet enduring) impact of China's revolutionary heritage on subsequent state-society relations. She also incorporates a strong comparative perspective, examining the influence of revolutionary militias on the political trajectories of the United States, France, the Soviet Union, and Iran. Based on exhaustive archival research, the work raises fascinating questions about the construction of revolutionary citizenship; the distinctions among class, community, and creed; the open-ended character of revolutionary movements; and the path dependency of institutional change. All readers interested in deepening their understanding of the Chinese Revolution and in the nature of revolutionary change more generally will find this an invaluable contribution.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the largest, and one of the most powerful, political organizations in the world today, and has played a crucial role in initiating most of the major reforms of the past three decades in China. China's rapid raise has enabled the CCP to extend its influence throughout the globe, but the West remains uncertain whether the CCP will survive China's ongoing socio-economic transformation and whether China will become a democratic country. With rapid socio-economic transformation, the CCP has itself experienced drastic changes. Zheng Yongnian argues that while the concept of 'political party' in China was imported, the CCP is a Chinese cultural product: it is an entirely different breed of political party from those in the West � an organizational emperor, wielding its power in a similar way to Chinese emperor of the past. Using social and political theory, this book examines the CCP's transformation in the reform era, and how it is now struggling to maintain the continuing domination of its imperial power. The author argues that the CCP has managed these changes as a proactive player throughout, and that the nature of the CCP implies that as long as the party is transforming itself in accordance with socio-economic changes, the structure of the party dominion over the state and society will not be allowed to change.

During the Cultural Revolution, Mao exhorted the Chinese people to “smash the four olds”: old customs, old culture, old habits, and old ideas. Yet when the Red Guards in Tiananmen Square chanted “We want to see Chairman Mao,” they unknowingly used a classical rhythm that dates back to the Han period and is the very embodiment of the four olds. An Anatomy of Chinese reveals how rhythms, conceptual metaphors, and political language convey time-honored meanings of which Chinese speakers themselves may not be consciously aware, and contributes to the ongoing debate over whether language shapes thought, or vice versa. Perry Link’s inquiry into the workings of Chinese reveals convergences and divergences with English, most strikingly in the area of conceptual metaphor. Different spatial metaphors for consciousness, for instance, mean that English speakers wake up while speakers of Chinese wake across. Other underlying metaphors in the two languages are similar, lending support to theories that locate the origins of language in the brain. The distinction between daily-life language and official language has been unusually significant in contemporary China, and Link explores how ordinary citizens learn to play language games, artfully wielding officialese to advance their interests or defend themselves from others. Particularly provocative is Link’s consideration of how Indo-European languages, with their preference for abstract nouns, generate philosophical puzzles that Chinese, with its preference for verbs, avoids. The mind-body problem that has plagued Western culture may be fundamentally less problematic for speakers of Chinese.

在本书中，作者对中国互联网的历史做了一次突破性的研究，细致又全面地观察了中国互联网对于国家和社会的影响，发现互联网给中国的社会—政治变革带来了新的动力。政府权力和社会力量在以互联网为媒介的公共领域中转换。 从大量的数据梳理和事实分析中，作者得出了四重的研究结论。首先，互联网给政府和社会都增加了权力。互联网在促进政治自由化中扮演了重要的角色，使政府更加开放、透明和负责任。第二，互联网产生了大量的影响，高度分散和超越了政府权力的限度。第三，互联网为政府和社会彼此间的契约和分离创造了一个新的基础结构。第四，互联网创造了一种政府和社会的回归关系。政府和社会之间在互联网上相互作用，最终重塑了政府和社会。

It has often been argued that China will follow an incremental path to political reform, just as its economic reforms followed a gradual course. Indeed, it seemed that China was embarking on such a course in the 1990s, but political reform has stalled. This book uses case studies of prominent reform efforts to understand both why reform was started and why it has stalled. It draws on the literature on institutions and authoritarian political systems and so will appeal to students of comparative politics as well as those interested in China.

本书系1995年由加拿大多伦多大学和约克大学亚太研究联合中心举办的“中国公民社会”讨论会论文汇编，兼学理研究及个案分析，涵盖政治科学、历史、教育、宗教等诸多学术领域。一批北美顶尖的“中国学”学者相聚探讨“公民社会”概念在中国学研究中的有效性及其限度，进而重新思考中国国家与社会关系的各种可能性。 各位作者并非把持现成的西方“公民社会”尺度来裁判和论断中国，而用历史比较学的眼光，平等对待欧洲和中国的历史经验，尝试构建具有普遍意义的国家与社会模式。他们迥异的学科背景、理论立场和研究路径，为本书带来了可贵的多样性与开放性。本书呈现的研究范式将打开一些缺口，为观察中国国家与社会关系的历史与现实提供更为丰富的视角。

改革开放后中国3多年持续的发展及其在国际舞台上的迅速崛起，引发了中国学术界一系列热烈的讨论和争论。特别是关于中国的政治发展，讨论和争论尤其激烈。本书的作者包括中美两国24位著名的政治学家和中国问题专家，是中美学者首次关于当代中国政治问题的专题对话。从相当程

What kind of role can the middle class play in potential democratization in such an undemocratic, late developing country as China? To answer this profound political as well as theoretical question, Jie Chen explores attitudinal and behavioral orientation of China's new middle class to democracy and democratization. Chen's work is based on a unique set of data collected from a probability-sample survey and in-depth interviews of residents in three major Chinese cities, Beijing, Chengdu and Xi'an—each of which represents a distinct level of economic development in urban China-in 2007 and 2008. The empirical findings derived from this data set confirm that (1) compared to other social classes, particularly lower classes, the new Chinese middle class-especially those employed in the state apparatus-tends to be more supportive of the current Party-state but less supportive of democratic values and institutions; (2) the new middle class's attitudes toward democracy may be accounted for by this class's close ideational and institutional ties with the state, and its perceived socioeconomic wellbeing, among other factors; (3) the lack of support for democracy among the middle class tends to cause this social class to act in favor of the current state but in opposition to democratic changes. The most important political implication is that while China's middle class is not likely to serve as the harbinger of democracy now, its current attitudes toward democracy may change in the future. Such a crucial shift in the middle class's orientation toward democracy can take place, especially when its dependence on the Party-state decreases and perception of its own social and economic statuses turns pessimistic. The key theoretical implication from the findings suggests that the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of the middle class-as a whole and as a part-toward democratic change in late developing countries are contingent upon its relationship with the incumbent state and its perceived social/economic wellbeing, and the middle class's support for democracy in these countries is far from inevitable.

Viewing the evolving relationship between the Chinese Communist Party and private entrepreneurs, this book examines the implications of recruiting entrepreneurs into the communist party. It has given rise to the label of "red capitalists." Although many foreign observers expect economic change to lead inevitably to political change in China, this book reveals that China's entrepreneurs are willing partners with the state; not an autonomous force in opposition to the state.

Contemporary Chinese Politics: Sources, Methods, and Field Strategies considers how new and diverse sources and methods are changing the study of Chinese politics. Contributors spanning three generations in China studies place their distinct qualitative and quantitative methodological approaches in the framework of the discipline and point to challenges or opportunities (or both) of adapting new sources and methods to the study of contemporary China. How can we more effectively use new sources and methods of data collection? How can we better integrate the study of Chinese politics into the discipline of political science, to the betterment of both? How can we more appropriately manage the logistical and ethical problems of doing political research in the challenging Chinese environment? In addressing these questions, this comprehensive methodological survey will be of immense interest to graduate students heading into the field for the first time and experienced scholars looking to keep abreast of the state of the art in the study of Chinese politics. 1 Contributors span three generations in China studies, and represent the top of the field in their particular methodological approaches 2 The most complete and up-to-date guide to fieldwork in China available; includes new and diverse sources and methods

在激情燃燒的歲月 有一支激情燃燒的團隊 中國經濟體制改革研究所，簡稱「體改所」。生存於1984~1989年 — 經濟開始全面變革、社會面臨鉅大變化、觀念充滿激烈碰撞的年代。那是中國1949年以後思想最為活躍的時期，體改所在此背景下誕生，成為當時的一個另類：身處「體制內」，卻有很大的自主權；是官辦機構，卻有相當的思想自由度；一群下鄉、當兵回來的年輕人，卻對政策制定起了重要作用。為何會如此？本書也許會揭開部分謎底。

中國會民主化嗎？倘若如此，中國會變得更尊重台灣迥異的生活方式與利益嗎？或是中國會成為現代化國家的一個例外，維持一個充滿活力的——作者稱之為「具有韌性的」——威權主義政權？若出現這種局面，中國對台灣地位問題是否還會一如既往地不妥協？台灣和中國不同的政治發展軌跡，受其民眾對政治的文化態度影響程度有多大？ 在歷史揭曉之前，沒有人知道這些問題的最終答案。作者希望藉由與讀者討論這些重要議題，讓讀者了解，當中國迅速改變之際，如何讓自己對中國有最新的瞭解。

《乡村中国的权力与财富:制度变迁的政治经济学》代表了在全球化时代新一代政治经济学家研究发展中国家的最优秀的著作，必将在关于中国转型的为数不多的重要著作中占有一席之地。自1978年以来，制度变迁成为中国快速的经济社会转型的核心。作为21世纪初世界经济发展最快的国家之一，中国正同时从农业向工业、从计划经济向市场经济转变。本研究考察了中国经济最具活力的层面之一——乡村工业的制度变迁。通过探讨个体，地方政府及其所处宏观政策环境之间的复杂的互动，《乡村中国的权力与财富:制度变迁的政治经济学》比其他任何著作都更好地澄清了中国城镇和乡村工业的制度背景以及最近产权改革的私有化趋势。

中国的共产主义化被看作是美国外交政策最惨重的失败。本书剖析了从珍珠港事件到朝鲜战争中麦克阿瑟将军的总攻势崩溃这一时期的美国对华政策的失败原因。它并不像其他人那样在纯理论的基础上和从印象出发的证据上驳斥美国的中国政策，相反，它根据历史的本来面目重新描述了它，因而揭露了我们普遍信念中虚假的东西。它在学术领域里所做的贡献可与伟大的政治家在政治领域里所做的贡献相媲美：它还真理以本来面目。 本书出版于1963年。当时，40年代美国外交政策的档案尚未解密。邹谠先生主要利用国会听政会和国会纪录等文件对太平洋战争爆发后到朝鲜战争这十年的中美关系进行了系统研究。他的这部著作是60年代美国研究中美关系的代表作。

This book examines the fundamental issue of how citizens get government officials to provide them with the roads, schools, and other public services they need by studying communities in rural China. In authoritarian and transitional systems, formal institutions for holding government officials accountable are often weak. The answer, Lily L. Tsai found, lies in a community's social institutions. Even when formal democratic and bureaucratic institutions of accountability are weak, government officials can still be subject to informal rules and norms created by community solidary groups that have earned high moral standing in the community.